Fertility
Behaviour among Muslims in Odisha: A Pilot Study
Roshina Yusufi
Research Scholar, Department of Sociology and Social
Work, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh UP India.
ABSTRACT:
The
Indian population includes followers of six major religions Hinduism, Islam,
Christianity, Sikhism, Jainism and Buddhism. These six religions account for
almost 99.5% of the total population of the country. Between 1961 and 1991the
Muslim population has reported to have grown by 103%faster than the predominant
majority group of Hindus, who have reported a growth of 83% over this period.
The primary reason for the faster growth of Muslims has been their higher
fertility. This paper seeks to explore the fertility behaviour
among Muslims in Orissa where they constitute 2.1% of the population. Although
Muslims in Orissa are, demographically insignificant but there are some
districts where Muslims constitute more than twenty percent of the total
population in Cuttack, Bhadrak and Kendrapara. The main objectives of the present study are
(1) To explore the role of religion in determining fertility behaviour (2) Understanding fertility behaviour
with reference to social class, level of education, occupation, minority
character etc. (3) Identifying factors
responsible for high as well as low fertility behaviour
of Muslims. The present study seeks to collect data from an analytical study
based on secondary sources such as the NFHS I, II, III, Census, Human Development
Report etc. A brief look at the Muslims of Orissa throws light on the fact that
Muslims of Orissa are as heterogeneous as any other communities. The majority
of Muslims however are illiterate, poor and engaged in agricultural and petty
jobs for whom children are perceived as an economic asset in the long run. They
are also motivated to have more children for old age security purposes,
particularly in a situation where there is little or no institutional support
for the aged and physically disabled and where women are economically dependent
on men. Another striking finding of the present study brings to light the fact
of their low fertility rate among some sections of the community. This comes
out clearly from the higher age at marriage of girls and the prevalence of
cross cousin and parallel cousin marriage. Thus in
this paper an attempt has been made to demolish the popular stereotype belief
that religion is not the only factor which affects fertility behaviour among Muslims rather they are determined by a
host of economic, social, cultural and political factors which greatly affect
the total fertility rate among Muslims.
KEYWORDS:
Behaviour among Muslims.
INTRODUCTION:
In
the study of population human fertility holds a focal position. Human fertility
is responsible for biological replacement and for the maintenance of the human
society. Fertility refers to the actual birth performance of a group of women
or to the relative frequency with which the births occur in total population or
in the population exposed to it. It is a result of fecundity the physiological
capacity to reproduce.
Thus
fertility behavior refers to the process of bearing and rearing children in the
context of the household and the wider society. It covers the processes
including institutional mechanism leading directly or indirectly to child birth
and other demographic outcomes like child survival and mortality. Besides child
bearing, child care and provision of domestic and other services to adults also
constitute the entire complex of fertility behaviors.
K Moulasha
and G Rama Rao (1999) in their paper entitled “Religion specific differentials
in fertility and family planning” attempted to rule out the popular belief that
fertility rate among the Muslim women is significantly higher than for Hindu women
which may in the first instance be attributed to such practices as postpartum
abstinence and the length of amenorrhea after child birth. According to the
authors there are more complex socio economic reasons
for the differential behaviour of the two communities that needs to be better
understood. They deduced their findings on the basis of the data of NFHS. To
study the difference in their social condition, their literacy level has been
considered as a key variable. It is found that the proportion of literates
among Hindus is slightly more than among Muslims. The possible reason for
the educational backwardness of Muslims is their lower socio
economic condition. According to the authors fertility will decline
sharply with increasing education in both religious groups. Moreover
religion cannot be cited as the only factor promoting fertility among Muslims
because although it has been mentioned in the Quran with emphasis that the
mother should suckle her children for 2 full years, it seems to be overlooked
by the Muslim women for some reasons. This is evident by the fact that the
duration of postpartum abstinence is one month shorter than among Hindus.
Furthermore as far as the
adoption of family planning methods is concerned it was found that although a higher
proportion of newly married Muslim women reported knowledge of at least one
method of family planning, the proportion of those reporting the use of any
method was considerably lower than that among Hindus, particularly for
permanent methods (Hindus 32.7%, Muslims 16%). On the other hand
the use of modern temporary and traditional methods was slightly higher among
Muslims than among Hindus. These differentials may partly reflect the
relationship between the level of education and contraceptive use. A part of
these differentials may disappear once the level of education is controlled.
Hence the above study conducted by Moulasha and Rama
Rao clearly confirm the fact that religion is not the only determining factor
in terms of fertility.
Roger Jeffery and Patricia
Jeffery (2000) in their paper entitled “Religion and fertility in India” tried
to analyse inter religious fertility differences based on specific social,
economic and political contexts. Given the obscurity of the Hindu and Islamic
holy texts on issues like family planning, it would be absurd to look directly
to the texts to understand religious influences on fertility behaviour. The
messages they provide depend on the interpretations given by Hindu and Muslim
religious leaders in India. In both cases some leaders have argued in favour of
population growth as part of political strategies. Most Muslims believe that
sterilization is un-Islamic and would cause the sterilized person to be
excluded from paradise. But there are some Islamic leaders who have not
denounced sterilization in particular. The widespread assumption that Islam is
hostile to family planning can be falsified if we look at the total fertility
rate (TFR) of Bangladesh where the TFR went down from 6.3 in 1971 to 3.3 I
1994-96. This suggests that the effects of Islam on fertility are short term if
socio economic conditions change and accessible family planning services are
supplied. Thus higher levels of Muslim Indian
fertility cannot be explained with reference to supposedly universal Islamic
condemnation of contraception in general, nor of sterilization in particular.
Across India Muslims are generally in weaker economic positions than Hindus.
More than half of the urban Muslims are reported to have incomes below the
poverty line, compared to 35% of urban Hindus (Krishnakumar 1991; Shariff
1995). Similarly indicators of schooling show Muslims
to be less well educated than Hindus reflecting the weaker economic position of
Muslims. Both education and economic position have very strong relationship
with fertility much stronger than the relationships with religion. Census data
shows that female education plays a central role in fertility decline. They
also suggest that son preference is also important in understanding fertility
levels. So, the study of Jeffery and Jeffery attempts to throw light on the
fact that the higher fertility among Muslims is not simply because of their
religious restrictions on family planning but because of the fact that the
Indian Muslims are educationally and economically backward.
After
China, India is the second largest and the most populous country in the world.
Although the growth rate of the population in India was fairly low before 1951.
It gathered momentum during the last four decades of 1951-91. After 1951, there
has been a significant increase in the size of the population in absolute terms
particularly during the decade of 1971-81, where its decadal and annual
exponential growth rate was 24.75% and 2.20% respectively. The 1991 census
recorded a marginal decline in these rates during the decade of 1981-91. It was
estimated that there may be a further decline in the annual exponential growth
from 2.14% in 1991, 1.81% in 1996 and 1.65% in 2001 depending on the
effectiveness of family planning and developmental programme.
But, India’s population has grown at the current
decadal growth rate of 21.3% and the average exponential growth rate of 1.93%.
The estimated absolute size of the population may reach from 1027 million in
2001, 1778 million in March 20’11 to 1264 million in March 2016. (Government of
India National Population Policy 2000). However, the general fertility level of
the country has declined from 37% in 1971 to 34% in 1981 to 30% in 1991 to 25%
in 2001. But the state wise distribution of shares of population in India
indicate that even after bifurcation, states like Bihar, U.P. and M.P. remain
high fertility populous and vulnerable states.
Socio-economic
Profile of Indian Muslims
The
majority of Indian Muslims are ethnically Indian since they are the decedents
of Indians of indigenous origin; who converted to Islam centuries ago for its
egalitarianism which was practiced by the local sufi
saints. Muslims are geographically scattered all over India and it is only in
the state of Jammu and Kashimir and in Lakshadweep a
union territory that they constitute a majority.
The
Indian economy has made remarkable progress in the last 50 years. Yet for
various reasons, Muslims in India have been unable to enjoy the fruits of
development and so they continue to belong to the weaker sections of society.
More than 90% of Indian Muslims are small and marginal farmers, artisans and workers.
Being engaged in such occupation make them poor, while their educational
backwardness and lack of skills do not allow them to enter high income
occupation. In modern industry and trade, Muslims rarely own big business or
have positions in large scale industry or business and generally lack strong
entrepreneurial skills.
The
educational backwardness of the Indian Muslims is not rooted in their religion
and culture because there is nothing in Islam which withholds Muslims from
receiving secular education. The very process of proletarianization,
indigenization and impoverishment and the formation of a slender elite class
among the Muslims have taken strikingly different courses in different regions.
Equally significantly, their response to the impulses of social change,
including their response to the programme of literacy
and education are regionally variable and dichotomous.
Peasantry
and the working classes which constitute an over whelmingly
large chunk of Muslim population in India today did not see any value in the
kind of education imparted to them even since the days of British Raj. Working
classes of all communities lagged behind in education and the Muslim working
classes were no exception.
Role
of Religion in determining Fertility Behaviour among Muslims.
There
is a lot of misinterpretation of Islamic belief about the family planning programme and an unfavorable reaction is also observed
about the use of birth control practices among Muslims. However
it is not true to say that Islam is opposed to restriction on the number of
children as discussed earlier. The Quran and its explanatory tradition (the
Hadith) are not against limiting family size, although the Quran is silent in
respect to family planning. There is no reference to birth control in the Quran
but sunna suggests natural and other methods of
family planning except sterilization.
As
an institution of marriage, polygamy is widespread among Muslims, just as
polyandry or monogamy is a future of Hindu society. These two systems of
marriage might play a decisive role in fertility but whether they enhance or
suppress fertility is not yet clearly known. Most available empirical evidence
supports the view that polygamous marriages enhance fertility and family size.
Kingsley
Davis for eg: points out that the coitus frequency is
somewhat higher in polygamy rather than polyandrous marriages because the
husband of more than one wife is sexually more active than monogamous husband.
Although divorce is more common among the Muslims, there is no practice of widowgamy or restriction on their remarriages which is a
strong social norm among Hindus. This norm depresses fertility among Hindus,
whereas it enhances fertility among Muslims.
In
addition to this the status of being considered a minority may also add to
their population growth rate. As pointed out by Sharma (1985) a certain degree
of fear in their mind due to communal tension may also affect their growth rate
to counteract their problem by their weight of number. He observes that the
average number of children per married Muslim women was 5.8 among the Muslim as
compared with 4.9 among Hindus in 1971.
Fertility
Behaviour Among Muslims in Odisha.
According
to the 2001 census Muslims constitute 2.1% of the total population of Odisha.
Although Muslims in Odisha are, demographically insignificant but there are
some districts where Muslims constitute more than 20% of the total population i.e Cuttack, Bhadrak and Kendrapara.
According
to the reports of National Family Health Survey (NFHS) fertility in Odisha is
approaching the replacement level. However, fertility has remained almost
constant since NFHS-II. Fertility in Odisha (2.4 children per women) is
slightly lower than fertility in India as a whole (2.7 children per women). The
total fertility rate (TFR) of Odisha is 3.4 which is much lower than the States
grouped as backward.
Women
with no education have 1-2 children more than women with 10 or more years of
education in Odisha there is a strong preference for sons. One quarter of women
and 1/5th of men want more sons than
daughters but only 2% of women and men want more daughters than sons. However,
most men and women would like to have at least one son and at least one
daughter. Unplanned pregnancies are relatively common. If all women were to
have only the number of children they want the TFR
would be 1.8 children instead of 2.4 children.
About
70% of currently married women and men in the age group 15-49 want no more
children are already themselves sterilized or have a spouse who is sterilized.
In Odisha it is a widely accepted belief that the Muslim population is rapidly
increasing and are generally averse to the idea of small family norm. This is
believed to be due to their doctrine and practice of religion that is Islam.
But sociological studies of different communities of India clearly demonstrate
that fertility behavior is not greatly influenced by religion. Their fertility
behavior however is determined by a host of social, cultural, economic and
political factor.
The
main objectives of the present study are as follows.
(1) To
explore the role of religion in determining fertility behavior.
(2) To
evaluate the degree to which the socio-economic determinants affect fertility
behavior among Muslims with reference to age at marriage, level of education,
income etc.
(3) Identifying
factors responsible for high as well as low fertility behavior among Muslims.
MATERIAL
AND METHODS:
In
the present study data has been collected from both primary and secondary
sources such as books, journals, articles, magazines and statistical data were
referred to and primary data was collected with the help of unstructured
interview schedules. Cuttack which is one of the largest city
in Odisha has been chosen as the study area. Cuttack has a population of
534,654. Around 94% of the population is Hindu and Muslims account for only 5%
of the total population. In the present piece of research work, the respondents
were selected on the basis of purposive sampling. Thus
on the basis of this sampling procedure the eligible couples among the Muslim
religious group in the age group of 15-44 were chosen. The respondents were the
female partner of the eligible couple. The total sample of the present study
consisted of 20 respondents only.
RESULTS:
Age
at Marriage and Fertility among Muslims in Odisha
Table No. 1: Distribution on
the basis of Age of marriage of the mothers and their fertility in Odisha
|
Sl No. |
Age at Marriage |
No. of respondents |
Total no. of living children |
Average no. of living children |
Total no. of expected additional family size |
Average expected additional family size |
|
1 |
Below 14 |
03 |
10 |
3.3 |
15 |
5.0 |
|
2 |
15-19 |
06 |
18 |
3.0 |
26 |
4.3 |
|
3 |
20 and above |
11 |
19 |
1.7 |
25 |
2.3 |
Total no. of respondents - 20
Education
and Fertility among Muslims in Odisha
Table
No. 2: Distribution on the basis of educational qualification of the mothers
and their fertility rate
|
Sl No. |
Educational category |
No. of respondents |
Total no. of living children |
Average no. of living children |
Total no. of expected additional family size |
Average expected additional family size |
|
1 |
Literate |
14 |
22 |
1.6 |
30 |
2.1 |
|
2 |
Illiterate |
06 |
17 |
2.8 |
19 |
3.1 |
Age
at marriage is one of the most important demographic variable
which influences the fertility behavior of the couple. In the present study
majority of the respondents were found married in the age group 20 and above.
But if we compare the three categories we find that
the average number of living children and the average expected additional
family size is much less in the age group 20 and above and higher in the age
group below 14 and age group 15-19. The reason behind this is that since they
are married at an early age they have a longer
reproductive age and hence have a potentiality of producing more children. The
graph presented below also represents the same details as shown in table no.1.
The
success of family planning depend mainly on the
literacy level of the people. If more people are literate, more people will
adopt family planning and thereby reduce the growth of population. Table 2
shows that most of the respondents in the sample area are literate. It reveals
that the illiterate Muslim families are having more children and expecting
additional family size compared to literate Muslim families. The study reveals
the importance of education towards favorable attitude and future adoption of
family planning in the sample area. Graph no. 2 represents the same details as
shown in table no.2.
Income
and Fertility Behaviour among Muslims in Odisha
Table
No. 3: Distribution on the basis of income of the family and their fertility
rate
|
Sl No. |
Income categories |
No. of respondents |
Total no. of living children |
Average no. of living children |
Total no. of expected additional family size |
Average expected additional family size |
|
1 |
Below 5000 |
5 |
16 |
3.2 |
17 |
3.4 |
|
2 |
5000-10,000 |
4 |
9 |
2.3 |
10 |
2.5 |
|
3 |
10,000 and above |
11 |
27 |
2.5 |
32 |
2.9 |
The
family cannot survive without sufficient income to maintain it. Hence income is
the basis for all activities of the family. The status of the family in the
society is determined primarily based on the income of family. Table III
clearly shows the lowest income group have the highest number of children. The
main reason being the fact that greater the number of children greater will be
the earning hands which will add to the household income.
Much
difference is not found between the middle and higher income
groups with reference to average number of children and average expected family
size. But comparatively the higher income group have more children because of
the reason that among Muslims there is a belief that greater number of children
is also a mark of status. So since the higher income
groups are economically well off they have no difficulty in managing a large
family. Graph no.3 represents the same details as shown in table no. 3.
DISCUSSION
AND CONCLUSION:
This
study contradicts the paradigm that religion is the determining factor behind
the high fertility rate amongst Muslims. The findings clearly reveal that
fertility behavior of the Muslim population in Cuttack is not only affected by
religion but by a host of social, cultural and economic factors such as
education and level of income.
Since
most of the Muslims are married at an early age their reproductive span is
longer. This accelerates to higher fertility because until and unless the
people are literate they will not become aware of the
various family planning programme which would help in
controlling population growth. It has been further found that level of income
is also a factor which determines fertility behavior of the respondents. The
fertility rate is considerably higher among the lower income groups since it is
believed that greater the number of children, greater will be the helping hands
in the family both in terms of adding to the household income as well as in the
household chores.
Apart
from the above mentioned factors, the occupation of
husband, employment of wife and awareness and availability of contraceptives
are also some of the determinants of higher fertility rate among Muslims. From
the above discussion it is clear that the stereotype belief that religion is
the sole reason behind higher fertility rate among Muslims is not absolute,
rather there are numerous other factors which affect fertility behavior. This
is a very particularized study of a very negligible population which cannot be
generalized. This is an area where further research needs to be conducted to
fill in the existing loop holes.
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Received on 13.05.2013
Modified on 20.07.2013
Accepted on 28.08.2013
© A&V Publication
all right reserved
Research J. Humanities
and Social Sciences. 4(4): October-December, 2013, 443-448